Monday, September 29, 2008
Things to do & see
Went hiking near the Inn at Little Washington. For those of us who don't get away enough, it's a short and fabulous break from the world. Hiked about 3 miles total - on very tired dancer legs - and loved every minute. a.k. gets major props for talking me into it when I tried to punk out. There's a fallen tree I'll remember fondly for the rest of my days!! Here's a pic of an old man we passed.
SEE:
The opening of The Lieutenant of Inishmore was excellent. You all need to purchase your tickets NOW. BUY TICKETS HERE
Director Jeremy Skidmore got it right. As one patron said, "This production just made me love theater again." And, somewhere out there, a black cat is enjoying being rescued, adopted and loved as a direct result of this production. Way to go Signature!
Basics:
John Lescault in the Washington Premiere
THE LIEUTENANT OF INISHMORE
By Martin McDonagh
Directed by Jeremy Skidmore
On a lonely road on the island of Inishmore, someone killed an Irish Liberation Army enforcer’s cat. Padraic may be a terrorist, but he loves that cat more than life itself, and someone is going to pay for kitty’s execution… just as soon as Padraic returns from his stint of torture and chip-shop bombing in Northern Ireland. This witty, ironic, and wild look at the hypocrisy of violence escalates from mayhem to a hilarious surprise ending that leaves audiences gasping for breath. If you loved Sweeney Todd, you won’t want to miss The Lieutenant of Inishmore.
EXTENDED! September 23 – November 16, 2008
A viciously funny tale that contains mature themes, adult language, and graphic depictions of violence. No cats were harmed in the creation of this play.
Saturday, September 27, 2008
broken wings
I pour my love in –
Letting poetry, emotions, heart & soul fly;
Free to sing arias to the gods.
Body and voice soaring above the clouds,
Free, happy and full of light.
My lover builds walls
[of circumstance, timing, age, location, and cultural difference]
higher than my love can climb.
Breaking my heart and cracking my soul with the effort,
I float down to earth on broken wings, walking alone once again.
Years Pass.
Without warning, he comes knocking, then begging for my love once again.
The words I longed to hear, the touch I craved to feel, the vows that I needed –
Then.
Uttered now –
Imploring in hushed whispers with pleading eyes.
He asks me to fly again and to let my voice free.
He wants my love, my heart, my soul –
Now.
My voice is silent. My soul is cracked.
I walk alone, with broken wings.
My heart is in the hands of another –
But what will it be?
Arias to the gods or the sound of breaking glass?
How many cracks can one soul hold?
At least alone there is ground beneath my feet.
Thursday, September 25, 2008
FALL FOR DANCE! Workshop this SATURDAY 2-5pm at Contradiction Dance
Visit http://contradictiondance.wordpress.com/workshops/
DANCE • DRAMA • VISUAL ARTS
Children will learn new artistic skills and create a fabulous story to tell. Students will learn how to work together with other friends to share their stories in motion.
FALL WORKSHOP DATES:
October 18: 2-5pm – BOO-TASTIC! Ages 3-6 years
October 25: 2-5pm – BOO-TASTIC! Ages 7-10 years
November 15: 2-5pm – DANCE OF THANKS! Ages 3-6 years
November 22: 2-5pm – DANCE OF THANKS! Ages 7-10 years
December 6: 2-5pm – HOLIDAY CELEBRATIONS! Ages 3-6 years
December 13: 2-5pm – HOLIDAY CELEBRATIONS! Ages 7-10 years
STRUCTURE OF WORKSHOP:
Students spend 45 minutes in dance workshop, 45 minutes in drama workshop, and 45 minutes in visual art workshop. At the end of the day, students will showcase their work for parents and friends in an informal performance of their Story In Motion.
FEES:
$45 per student, includes art supplies
Wednesday, September 24, 2008
Interesting Essay on Why Peeps Vote Republican
...the second rule of moral psychology is that morality is not just about how we treat each other (as most liberals think); it is also about binding groups together, supporting essential institutions, and living in a sanctified and noble way. When Republicans say that Democrats "just don't get it," this is the "it" to which they refer. WHAT MAKES PEOPLE VOTE REPUBLICAN? [9.9.08] JONATHAN HAIDT is Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Virginia, where he does research on morality and emotion and how they vary across cultures. He is the author of The Happiness Hypothesis: Finding Modern Truth in Ancient Wisdom. Jonathan Haidt's Edge Bio Page Further reading on Edge: Moral Psychology and the Misunderstanding of Religion By Jonathan Haidt [9.22.07] THE REALITY CLUB: Daniel Everett, Howard Gardner, Michael Shermer, Scott Atran, James Fowler, Alison Gopnik, Sam Harris, James O'Donnell |
WHAT MAKES PEOPLE VOTE REPUBLICAN? What makes people vote Republican? Why in particular do working class and rural Americans usually vote for pro-business Republicans when their economic interests would seem better served by Democratic policies? We psychologists have been examining the origins of ideology ever since Hitler sent us Germany's best psychologists, and we long ago reported that strict parenting and a variety of personal insecurities work together to turn people against liberalism, diversity, and progress. But now that we can map the brains, genes, and unconscious attitudes of conservatives, we have refined our diagnosis: conservatism is a partially heritable personality trait that predisposes some people to be cognitively inflexible, fond of hierarchy, and inordinately afraid of uncertainty, change, and death. People vote Republican because Republicans offer "moral clarity"—a simple vision of good and evil that activates deep seated fears in much of the electorate. Democrats, in contrast, appeal to reason with their long-winded explorations of policy options for a complex world. Diagnosis is a pleasure. It is a thrill to solve a mystery from scattered clues, and it is empowering to know what makes others tick. In the psychological community, where almost all of us are politically liberal, our diagnosis of conservatism gives us the additional pleasure of shared righteous anger. We can explain how Republicans exploit frames, phrases, and fears to trick Americans into supporting policies (such as the "war on terror" and repeal of the "death tax") that damage the national interest for partisan advantage. But with pleasure comes seduction, and with righteous pleasure comes seduction wearing a halo. Our diagnosis explains away Republican successes while convincing us and our fellow liberals that we hold the moral high ground. Our diagnosis tells us that we have nothing to learn from other ideologies, and it blinds us to what I think is one of the main reasons that so many Americans voted Republican over the last 30 years: they honestly prefer the Republican vision of a moral order to the one offered by Democrats. To see what Democrats have been missing, it helps to take off the halo, step back for a moment, and think about what morality really is. I began to study morality and culture at the University of Pennsylvania in 1987. A then-prevalent definition of the moral domain, from the Berkeley psychologist Elliot Turiel, said that morality refers to "prescriptive judgments of justice, rights, and welfare pertaining to how people ought to relate to each other." But if morality is about how we treat each other, then why did so many ancient texts devote so much space to rules about menstruation, who can eat what, and who can have sex with whom? There is no rational or health-related way to explain these laws. (Why are grasshoppers kosher but most locusts are not?) The emotion of disgust seemed to me like a more promising explanatory principle. The book of Leviticus makes a lot more sense when you think of ancient lawgivers first sorting everything into two categories: "disgusts me" (gay male sex, menstruation, pigs, swarming insects) and "disgusts me less" (gay female sex, urination, cows, grasshoppers ). For my dissertation research, I made up stories about people who did things that were disgusting or disrespectful yet perfectly harmless. For example, what do you think about a woman who can't find any rags in her house so she cuts up an old American flag and uses the pieces to clean her toilet, in private? Or how about a family whose dog is killed by a car, so they dismember the body and cook it for dinner? I read these stories to 180 young adults and 180 eleven-year-old children, half from higher social classes and half from lower, in the USA and in Brazil. I found that most of the people I interviewed said that the actions in these stories were morally wrong, even when nobody was harmed. Only one group—college students at Penn—consistently exemplified Turiel's definition of morality and overrode their own feelings of disgust to say that harmless acts were not wrong. (A few even praised the efficiency of recycling the flag and the dog). This research led me to two conclusions. First, when gut feelings are present, dispassionate reasoning is rare. In fact, many people struggled to fabricate harmful consequences that could justify their gut-based condemnation. I often had to correct people when they said things like "it's wrong because… um…eating dog meat would make you sick" or "it's wrong to use the flag because… um… the rags might clog the toilet." These obviously post-hoc rationalizations illustrate the philosopher David Hume's dictum that reason is "the slave of the passions, and can pretend to no other office than to serve and obey them." This is the first rule of moral psychology: feelings come first and tilt the mental playing field on which reasons and arguments compete. If people want to reach a conclusion, they can usually find a way to do so. The Democrats have historically failed to grasp this rule, choosing uninspiring and aloof candidates who thought that policy arguments were forms of persuasion. The second conclusion was that the moral domain varies across cultures. Turiel's description of morality as being about justice, rights, and human welfare worked perfectly for the college students I interviewed at Penn, but it simply did not capture the moral concerns of the less elite groups—the working-class people in both countries who were more likely to justify their judgments with talk about respect, duty, and family roles. ("Your dog is family, and you just don't eat family.") From this study I concluded that the anthropologist Richard Shweder was probably right in a 1987 critique of Turiel in which he claimed that the moral domain (not just specific rules) varies by culture. Drawing on Shweder's ideas, I would say that the second rule of moral psychology is that morality is not just about how we treat each other (as most liberals think); it is also about binding groups together, supporting essential institutions, and living in a sanctified and noble way. When Republicans say that Democrats "just don't get it," this is the "it" to which they refer. Conservative positions on gays, guns, god, and immigration must be understood as means to achieve one kind of morally ordered society. When Democrats try to explain away these positions using pop psychology they err, they alienate, and they earn the label "elitist." But how can Democrats learn to see—let alone respect—a moral order they regard as narrow-minded, racist, and dumb? After graduate school I moved to the University of Chicago to work with Shweder, and while there I got a fellowship to do research in India. In September 1993 I traveled to Bhubaneswar, an ancient temple town 200 miles southwest of Calcutta. I brought with me two incompatible identities. On the one hand, I was a 29 year old liberal atheist who had spent his politically conscious life despising Republican presidents, and I was charged up by the culture wars that intensified in the 1990s. On the other hand, I wanted to be like those tolerant anthropologists I had read so much about. My first few weeks in Bhubaneswar were therefore filled with feelings of shock and confusion. I dined with men whose wives silently served us and then retreated to the kitchen. My hosts gave me a servant of my own and told me to stop thanking him when he served me. I watched people bathe in and cook with visibly polluted water that was held to be sacred. In short, I was immersed in a sex-segregated, hierarchically stratified, devoutly religious society, and I was committed to understanding it on its own terms, not on mine. It only took a few weeks for my shock to disappear, not because I was a natural anthropologist but because the normal human capacity for empathy kicked in. I liked these people who were hosting me, helping me, and teaching me. And once I liked them (remember that first principle of moral psychology) it was easy to take their perspective and to consider with an open mind the virtues they thought they were enacting. Rather than automatically rejecting the men as sexist oppressors and pitying the women, children, and servants as helpless victims, I was able to see a moral world in which families, not individuals, are the basic unit of society, and the members of each extended family (including its servants) are intensely interdependent. In this world, equality and personal autonomy were not sacred values. Honoring elders, gods, and guests, and fulfilling one's role-based duties, were more important. Looking at America from this vantage point, what I saw now seemed overly individualistic and self-focused. For example, when I boarded the plane to fly back to Chicago I heard a loud voice saying "Look, you tell him that this is the compartment over MY seat, and I have a RIGHT to use it." Back in the United States the culture war was going strong, but I had lost my righteous passion. I could never have empathized with the Christian Right directly, but once I had stood outside of my home morality, once I had tried on the moral lenses of my Indian friends and interview subjects, I was able to think about conservative ideas with a newfound clinical detachment. They want more prayer and spanking in schools, and less sex education and access to abortion? I didn't think those steps would reduce AIDS and teen pregnancy, but I could see why the religious right wanted to "thicken up" the moral climate of schools and discourage the view that children should be as free as possible to act on their desires. Conservatives think that welfare programs and feminism increase rates of single motherhood and weaken the traditional social structures that compel men to support their own children? Hmm, that may be true, even if there are also many good effects of liberating women from dependence on men. I had escaped from my prior partisan mindset (reject first, ask rhetorical questions later), and began to think about liberal and conservative policies as manifestations of deeply conflicting but equally heartfelt visions of the good society. On Turiel's definition of morality ("justice, rights, and welfare"), Christian and Hindu communities don't look good. They restrict people's rights (especially sexual rights), encourage hierarchy and conformity to gender roles, and make people spend extraordinary amounts of time in prayer and ritual practices that seem to have nothing to do with "real" morality. But isn't it unfair to impose on all cultures a definition of morality drawn from the European Enlightenment tradition? Might we do better with an approach that defines moral systems by what they do rather than by what they value? Here's my alternative definition: morality is any system of interlocking values, practices, institutions, and psychological mechanisms that work together to suppress or regulate selfishness and make social life possible. It turns out that human societies have found several radically different approaches to suppressing selfishness, two of which are most relevant for understanding what Democrats don't understand about morality. First, imagine society as a social contract invented for our mutual benefit. All individuals are equal, and all should be left as free as possible to move, develop talents, and form relationships as they please. The patron saint of a contractual society is John Stuart Mill, who wrote (in On Liberty) that "the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others." Mill's vision appeals to many liberals and libertarians; a Millian society at its best would be a peaceful, open, and creative place where diverse individuals respect each other's rights and band together voluntarily (as in Obama's calls for "unity") to help those in need or to change the laws for the common good. Psychologists have done extensive research on the moral mechanisms that are presupposed in a Millian society, and there are two that appear to be partly innate. First, people in all cultures are emotionally responsive to suffering and harm, particularly violent harm, and so nearly all cultures have norms or laws to protect individuals and to encourage care for the most vulnerable. Second, people in all cultures are emotionally responsive to issues of fairness and reciprocity, which often expand into notions of rights and justice. Philosophical efforts to justify liberal democracies and egalitarian social contracts invariably rely heavily on intuitions about fairness and reciprocity. But now imagine society not as an agreement among individuals but as something that emerged organically over time as people found ways of living together, binding themselves to each other, suppressing each other's selfishness, and punishing the deviants and free-riders who eternally threaten to undermine cooperative groups. The basic social unit is not the individual, it is the hierarchically structured family, which serves as a model for other institutions. Individuals in such societies are born into strong and constraining relationships that profoundly limit their autonomy. The patron saint of this more binding moral system is the sociologist Emile Durkheim, who warned of the dangers of anomie (normlessness), and wrote, in 1897, that "Man cannot become attached to higher aims and submit to a rule if he sees nothing above him to which he belongs. To free himself from all social pressure is to abandon himself and demoralize him." A Durkheimian society at its best would be a stable network composed of many nested and overlapping groups that socialize, reshape, and care for individuals who, if left to their own devices, would pursue shallow, carnal, and selfish pleasures. A Durkheimian society would value self-control over self-expression, duty over rights, and loyalty to one's groups over concerns for outgroups. A Durkheimian ethos can't be supported by the two moral foundations that hold up a Millian society (harm/care and fairness/reciprocity). My recent research shows that social conservatives do indeed rely upon those two foundations, but they also value virtues related to three additional psychological systems: ingroup/loyalty (involving mechanisms that evolved during the long human history of tribalism), authority/respect (involving ancient primate mechanisms for managing social rank, tempered by the obligation of superiors to protect and provide for subordinates), and purity/sanctity (a relatively new part of the moral mind, related to the evolution of disgust, that makes us see carnality as degrading and renunciation as noble). These three systems support moralities that bind people into intensely interdependent groups that work together to reach common goals. Such moralities make it easier for individuals to forget themselves and coalesce temporarily into hives, a process that is thrilling, as anyone who has ever "lost" him or herself in a choir, protest march, or religious ritual can attest. In several large internet surveys, my collaborators Jesse Graham, Brian Nosek and I have found that people who call themselves strongly liberal endorse statements related to the harm/care and fairness/reciprocity foundations, and they largely reject statements related to ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity. People who call themselves strongly conservative, in contrast, endorse statements related to all five foundations more or less equally. (You can test yourself at www.YourMorals.org.) We think of the moral mind as being like an audio equalizer, with five slider switches for different parts of the moral spectrum. Democrats generally use a much smaller part of the spectrum than do Republicans. The resulting music may sound beautiful to other Democrats, but it sounds thin and incomplete to many of the swing voters that left the party in the 1980s, and whom the Democrats must recapture if they want to produce a lasting political realignment. In The Political Brain, Drew Westen points out that the Republicans have become the party of the sacred, appropriating not just the issues of God, faith, and religion, but also the sacred symbols of the nation such as the Flag and the military. The Democrats, in the process, have become the party of the profane—of secular life and material interests. Democrats often seem to think of voters as consumers; they rely on polls to choose a set of policy positions that will convince 51% of the electorate to buy. Most Democrats don't understand that politics is more like religion than it is like shopping. Religion and political leadership are so intertwined across eras and cultures because they are about the same thing: performing the miracle of converting unrelated individuals into a group. Durkheim long ago said that God is really society projected up into the heavens, a collective delusion that enables collectives to exist, suppress selfishness, and endure. The three Durkheimian foundations (ingroup, authority, and purity) play a crucial role in most religions. When they are banished entirely from political life, what remains is a nation of individuals striving to maximize utility while respecting the rules. What remains is a cold but fair social contract, which can easily degenerate into a nation of shoppers. The Democrats must find a way to close the sacredness gap that goes beyond occasional and strategic uses of the words "God" and "faith." But if Durkheim is right, then sacredness is really about society and its collective concerns. God is useful but not necessary. The Democrats could close much of the gap if they simply learned to see society not just as a collection of individuals—each with a panoply of rights--but as an entity in itself, an entity that needs some tending and caring. Our national motto is e pluribus unum ("from many, one"). Whenever Democrats support policies that weaken the integrity and identity of the collective (such as multiculturalism, bilingualism, and immigration), they show that they care more about pluribus than unum. They widen the sacredness gap. A useful heuristic would be to think about each issue, and about the Party itself, from the perspective of the three Durkheimian foundations. Might the Democrats expand their moral range without betraying their principles? Might they even find ways to improve their policies by incorporating and publicly praising some conservative insights? The ingroup/loyalty foundation supports virtues of patriotism and self-sacrifice that can lead to dangerous nationalism, but in moderate doses a sense that "we are all one" is a recipe for high social capital and civic well-being. A recent study by Robert Putnam (titled E Pluribus Unum) found that ethnic diversity increases anomie and social isolation by decreasing people's sense of belonging to a shared community. Democrats should think carefully, therefore, about why they celebrate diversity. If the purpose of diversity programs is to fight racism and discrimination (worthy goals based on fairness concerns), then these goals might be better served by encouraging assimilation and a sense of shared identity. The purity/sanctity foundation is used heavily by the Christian right to condemn hedonism and sexual "deviance," but it can also be harnessed for progressive causes. Sanctity does not have to come from God; the psychology of this system is about overcoming our lower, grasping, carnal selves in order to live in a way that is higher, nobler, and more spiritual. Many liberals criticize the crassness and ugliness that our unrestrained free-market society has created. There is a long tradition of liberal anti-materialism often linked to a reverence for nature. Environmental and animal welfare issues are easily promoted using the language of harm/care, but such appeals might be more effective when supplemented with hints of purity/sanctity. The authority/respect foundation will be the hardest for Democrats to use. But even as liberal bumper stickers urge us to "question authority" and assert that "dissent is patriotic," Democrats can ask what needs this foundation serves, and then look for other ways to meet them. The authority foundation is all about maintaining social order, so any candidate seen to be "soft on crime" has disqualified himself, for many Americans, from being entrusted with the ultimate authority. Democrats would do well to read Durkheim and think about the quasi-religious importance of the criminal justice system. The miracle of turning individuals into groups can only be performed by groups that impose costs on cheaters and slackers. You can do this the authoritarian way (with strict rules and harsh penalties) or you can do it using the fairness/reciprocity foundation by stressing personal responsibility and the beneficence of the nation towards those who "work hard and play by the rules." But if you don't do it at all—if you seem to tolerate or enable cheaters and slackers -- then you are committing a kind of sacrilege. If Democrats want to understand what makes people vote Republican, they must first understand the full spectrum of American moral concerns. They should then consider whether they can use more of that spectrum themselves. The Democrats would lose their souls if they ever abandoned their commitment to social justice, but social justice is about getting fair relationships among the parts of the nation. This often divisive struggle among the parts must be balanced by a clear and oft-repeated commitment to guarding the precious coherence of the whole. America lacks the long history, small size, ethnic homogeneity, and soccer mania that holds many other nations together, so our flag, our founding fathers, our military, and our common language take on a moral importance that many liberals find hard to fathom. Unity is not the great need of the hour, it is the eternal struggle of our immigrant nation. The three Durkheimian foundations of ingroup, authority, and purity are powerful tools in that struggle. Until Democrats understand this point, they will be vulnerable to the seductive but false belief that Americans vote for Republicans primarily because they have been duped into doing so. |
ON WHAT MAKES PEOPLE VOTE REPUBLICAN?
By Jonathan Haidt
Daniel Everett, Howard Gardner, Michael Shermer, Scott Atran, James Fowler, Alison Gopnik, Sam Harris, James O'Donnell
Sunday, September 21, 2008
Obama and the Palin Effect by Deepak Chopra
Obama and the Palin Effect
Sometimes politics has the uncanny effect of mirroring the national psyche even when nobody intended to do that. This is perfectly illustrated by the rousing effect that Gov. Sarah Palin had on the Republican convention in Minneapolis this week. On the surface, she outdoes former Vice President Dan Quayle as an unlikely choice, given her negligent parochial expertise in the complex affairs of governing. Her state of Alaska has less than 700,000 residents, which reduces the job of governor to the scale of running one-tenth of New York City. By comparison, Rudy Giuliani is a towering international figure. Palin's pluck has been admired, and her forthrightness, but her real appeal goes deeper.
She is the reverse of Barack Obama, in essence his shadow, deriding his idealism and turning negativity into a cause for pride. In psychological terms the shadow is that part of the psyche that hides out of sight, countering our aspirations, virtue, and vision with qualities we are ashamed to face: anger, fear, revenge, violence, selfishness, and suspicion of "the other." For millions of Americans, Obama triggers those feelings, but they don't want to express them. He is calling for us to reach for our higher selves, and frankly, that stirs up hidden reactions of an unsavory kind. (Just to be perfectly clear, I am not making a verbal play out of the fact that Sen. Obama is black. The shadow is a metaphor widely in use before his arrival on the scene.) I recognize that psychological analysis of politics is usually not welcome by the public, but I believe such a perspective can be helpful here to understand Palin's message. In her acceptance speech Gov. Palin sent a rousing call to those who want to celebrate their resistance to change and a higher vision.
Look at what she stands for:
–Small town values — a nostaligic return to simpler times disguises a denial of America's global role, a return to petty, small-minded parochialism.
–Ignorance of world affairs — a repudiation of the need to repair America's image abroad.
–Family values — a code for walling out anybody who makes a claim for social justice. Such strangers, being outside the family, don't need to be heeded.
–Rigid stands on guns and abortion — a scornful repudiation that these issues can be negotiated with those who disagree.
–Patriotism — the usual fallback in a failed war.
–"Reform" — an italicized term, since in addition to cleaning out corruption and excessive spending, one also throws out anyone who doesn't fit your ideology.
Palin reinforces the overall message of the reactionary right, which has been in play since 1980, that social justice is liberal-radical, that minorities and immigrants, being different from "us" pure American types, can be ignored, that progressivism takes too much effort and globalism is a foreign threat. The radical right marches under the banners of "I'm all right, Jack," and "Why change? Everything's OK as it is." The irony, of course, is that Gov. Palin is a woman and a reactionary at the same time. She can add mom to apple pie on her resume, while blithely reversing forty years of feminist progress. The irony is superficial; there are millions of women who stand on the side of conservatism, however obviously they are voting against their own good. The Republicans have won multiple national elections by raising shadow issues based on fear, rejection, hostility to change, and narrow-mindedness.
Obama's call for higher ideals in politics can't be seen in a vacuum. The shadow is real; it was bound to respond. Not just conservatives possess a shadow — we all do. So what comes next is a contest between the two forces of progress and inertia. Will the shadow win again, or has its furtive appeal become exhausted? No one can predict. The best thing about Gov. Palin is that she brought this conflict to light, which makes the upcoming debate honest. It would be a shame to elect another Reagan, whose smiling persona was a stalking horse for the reactionary forces that have brought us to the demoralized state we are in. We deserve to see what we are getting, without disguise.
Part 2
http://deepakchopra.com/2008/09/16/obama-and-the-palin-effect-part-2/
Friday, September 19, 2008
working it out
Here's what we've been up to in rehearsal:
Thursday, September 11, 2008
Art in Canda, Open War?
From my girl Shallom in Canada:
an open letter from one of the great Canadian playwrights Wajdi Mouwad to Prime Minister Harper.
Here is the text of a masterpiece - a letter from playwright Wajdi Mouwad
to Prime Minister Stephen Harper. It was published in Le Devoir a few days
ago. The translation below is thanks to John van Burek.
the text is here:
http://www.thewreckingball.ca/
I've also pasted it below. Please disseminate it far and wide. A call to
arms.
*
An open letter to Prime Minister Harper:
Monsieur le premier ministre,
We are neighbours. We work across the street from one another. You are
Prime Minister of the Parliament of Canada and I, across the way, am a
writer, theatre director and Artistic Director of the French Theatre at the
National Arts Centre (NAC). So, like you, I am an employee of the state,
working for the Federal Government; in other words, we are colleagues.
Let me take advantage of this unique position, as one functionary to
another, to chat with you about the elimination of some federal grants in
the field of culture, something that your government recently undertook.
Indeed, having followed this matter closely, I have arrived at a few
conclusions that I would like to publicly share with you since, as I'm sure
you will agree, this debate has become one of public interest.
The Symbolism
Firstly, it seems that you might benefit by surrounding yourself with
counsellors who will be attentive to the symbolic aspects of your
Government's actions. I am sure you know this but there is no harm in
reminding ourselves that every public action denotes not only what it is
but what it symbolises.
For example, a Prime Minister who chooses not attend the opening ceremonies
of the Olympics, claiming his schedule does not permit it, in no way
reduces the symbolism which says that his absence might signify something
else. This might signify that he wishes to denote that Canada supports the
claims of Tibet. Or it might serve as a sign of protest over the way in
which Beijing deals with human rights. If the Prime Minister insists that
his absence is really just a matter of timing, whether he likes it or not,
this will take on symbolic meaning that commits the entire country. The
symbolism of a public gesture will always outweigh the technical
explanations.
Declaration of war
Last week, your government reaffirmed its manner of governing unilaterally,
this time on a domestic issue, in bringing about reductions in granting
programs destined for the cultural sector. A mere matter of budgeting, you
say, but one which sends shock waves throughout the cultural milieu
–rightly or wrongly, as we shall see- for being seen as an expression
of your contempt for that sector. The confusion with which your Ministers
tried to justify those reductions and their refusal to make public the
reports on the eliminated programs, only served to confirm the symbolic
significance of that contempt. You have just declared war on the artists.
Now, as one functionary to another, this is the second thing that I wanted
to tell you: no government, in showing contempt for artists, has ever been
able to survive. Not one. One can, of course, ignore them, corrupt them,
seduce them, buy them, censor them, kill them, send them to camps, spy on
them, but hold them in contempt, no. That is akin to rupturing the strange
pact, made millennia ago, between art and politics.
Contempt
Art and politics both hate and envy one another; since time immemorial,
they detest each other and they are mutually attracted, and it's through
this dynamic that many a political idea has been born; it is in this
dynamic that sometimes, great works of art see the light of day. Your
cultural politics, it must be said, provoke only a profound consternation.
Neither hate nor detestation, not envy nor attraction, nothing but numbness
before the oppressive vacuum that drives your policies.
This vacuum which lies between you and the artists of Canada, from a
symbolic point of view, signifies that your government, for however long it
lasts, will not witness either the birth of a political idea or a
masterwork, so firm is your apparent belief in the unworthiness of that for
which you show contempt. Contempt is a subterranean sentiment, being a mix
of unassimilated jealousy and fear towards that which we despise. Such
governments have existed, but not lasted because even the most detestable of
governments cannot endure if it hasn't the courage to affirm what it
actually is.
Why is this?
What are the reasons behind these reductions, which are cut from the same
cloth as those made last year on the majority of Canadian embassies, who
saw their cultural programming reduced, if not eliminated? The economies
that you have made are ridiculously small and the votes you might win with
them have already been won. For what reason, then, are you so bent on
hurting the artists by denying them some of their tools? What are you
seeking to extinguish and to gain?
Your silence and your actions make one fear the worst for, in the end, we
are quite struck by the belief that this contempt, made eloquent by your
budget cuts, is very real and that you feel nothing but disgust for these
people, these artists, who spend their time by wasting it and in spending
the good taxpayers money, he who, rather than doing uplifting work, can
only toil.
And yet, I still cannot fathom your reasoning. Plenty of politicians, for
the past fifty years, have done all they could to depoliticise art, to
strip it of its symbolic import. They try the impossible, to untie that
knot which binds art to politics. And they almost succeed! Whereas you, in
the space of one week, have undone this work of chloroforming, by awakening
the cultural milieu, Francophone and Anglophone, and from coast to coast.
Even if politically speaking they are marginal and negligible, one must
never underestimate intellectuals, never underestimate artists; don't
underestimate their ability to do you harm.
A grain of sand is all-powerful
I believe, my dear colleague, that you yourself have just planted the grain
of sand that could derail the entire machine of your electoral campaign.
Culture is, in fact, nothing but a grain of sand, but therein lays its
power, in its silent front. It operates in the dark. That is its legitimate
strength.
It is full of people who are incomprehensible but very adept with words.
They have voices. They know how to write, to paint, to dance, to sculpt, to
sing, and they won't let up on you. Democratically speaking, they seek to
annihilate your policies. They will not give up. How could they?
You must understand them: they have not had a clear and common purpose for
a very long time, for such a long time that they have no common cause to
defend. In one week, by not controlling the symbolic importance of your
actions, you have just given them passion, anger, rage.
In the dark
The resistance that will begin today, and to which my letter is added, is
but a first manifestation of a movement that you yourself have set in
motion: an incalculable number of texts, speeches, acts, assemblies,
marches, will now be making themselves heard. They will not be exhausted.
Some of these will, perhaps, following my letter, be weakened but within
each word, there will be a spark of rage, relit, and it is precisely the
addition of these tiny instances of fire that will shape the grain of sand
that you will never be able to shake. This will not settle down, the
pressure will not be diminished.
Monsieur le premier ministre, we are neighbours. We work across the street
from one another. There is nothing but the Cenotaph between our offices,
and this is as it should be because politics and art have always mirrored
one another, each on its own shore, each seeing itself in the other,
separated by that river where life and death are weighed at every moment.
We have many things in common, but an artist, contrary to a politician, has
nothing to lose, because he or she does not make laws; and if it is prime
ministers who change the world, it's the artist who will show this to the
world. So do not attempt, through your policies, to blind us, Monsieur le
premier ministre; do not ignore that reflection on the opposite shore, do
not plunge us further into the dark. Do not diminish us.
Wajdi Mouawad
Wednesday, September 10, 2008
WORKIN'
Here's the video from rehearsal... just a sketch: SideWalk
Classes are happening, students are trickling in.... we need more, always more. I'm encouraged by the community, though. Takoma Park rocks. If you don't know, you need to check it out. It's a very cool place to be. :)
Friday, September 5, 2008
FALL OPEN HOUSE - SUNDAY
Contradiction Dance
An Exchange Between Life & Dance
photo copyright Enoch Chan Photography
FALL OPEN HOUSE
Sunday, September 7, 2008
11am - 3pm
Learn more about
Contradiction Dance @ Echo Park!
11-2pm Mini-Shock Open Rehearsal
3-4pm FREE class for children & teens 7 and older
Registration Discounts • Meet the Directors
Speak with the directors, teachers, & staff
Tuesday, September 2, 2008
First Day of School...
The alarm went off at 6:30. Those of you who know me well can imagine how I felt about that...
I hear footsteps.
She's standing at the end of my bed, completely ready for school:
clothes on - check!
shoes - check!
hair done - (sort of) check!
I asked her what time she got up. She replied, "Right with the sun, as soon as the sun came up, mommy!" And she was giggling.
She is not a morning person either.
It was a good first day of school.
For me, too. My students are lovely and open. Yay!
Monday, September 1, 2008
Un-Labor Day
Today was delicious. Truly. If I gave you the details you'd laugh, you'd cry, you'd blush, you'd wish you were there for all of it. Thanks, a.k.
I hope yours was delicious, too.
Random thoughts on my mind:
- need to cultivate my other gifts, they are important & relevant to fulfillment in my life & art
- excitement for my munchkin... she starts 1st grade tomorrow a.m.
- I meet new students tomorrow at St. Mary's... always a good day :)
- psyched to be performing in nYc this weekend and to see the sister of my soul, Ha-Chi
I am looking at this new season with a renewed sense of purpose, balance, and passion. I'm blessed by the people around me. I can't wait to see what pours out over the next month.
I hope tomorrow is just as yummy.